原标题: 绵竹市纹绣美甲美发业彩妆加盟批发市场培训养心典范
More than 80% of California is now in a state of extreme drought, according to the latest assessment. The environmental conditions that residents are experiencing today actually began in 2011. Still, there seems to be no end in sight. Water costs are sky high, as you would expect, but Californians are paying the price in more ways than one. The state’s Central Valley agriculture industry, for example, stands to lose .7 billion this year as a result of what some believe is the worst drought to affect the region in 500 years. Some 14, 500 workers could lose their jobs in an area responsible for half of the state’s agriculture and five percent of the entire nation’s.最新评估显示,加州80%的地区目前处于极度干旱中。当地居民如今正经历的环境条件实际上2011年就萌芽了。但目前仍没有缓解迹象。毫不意外,当地用水成本高得吓人,但是加州所付出的代价,并非只是用水成本这么简单。加州中央谷地(Central Valley)农业今年将面临17亿美元的损失,原因在于该地区遭遇了据称是500年以来最严重的旱灾。这一地区的农业产值占加州半壁江山,占全美农业产值的5%,大约1.45万名工人也可能因农业萧条而失业。How will California survive? For a problem of such massive scope, the solutions will be complex, experts say. One thing is certain: technology will play a key role.加州的出路在何方?专家表示,对于如此大范围的旱情来说,要找到解决办法不是件容易的事。但有一点是肯定的:科技将发挥重要作用。Halla Razak is the director of public utilities for the city of San Diego. Diversifying the water supply has been a top priority, she tells Fortune, because more than 90 percent of San Diego’s water has historically been purchased from the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California. It became clear in 1990, when there was another drought, that the existing plan wasn’t sustainable, Razak said. It prompted officials to take a fresh look at alternatives.圣地亚哥市公用事业部门主管哈拉#8226;瑞扎克向《财富》杂志(Fortune)透露,水源多元化一直是该部门工作的重中之重,因为圣地亚哥的九成用水都是从南加州市政水管区(Metropolitan Water District of Southern California)购买的。瑞扎克说,1990年也出现过旱情,当时我们明确地意识到现有的计划缺乏可持续性。旱情迫使政府官员重新审视替代水源的问题。Since 2007, per-capita water use in the San Diego region has decreased about 27 percent. Officials point to rebates, tools, and educational programs aimed at improving water-use efficiency as factors in the change.自2007年以来,圣地亚哥人均用水量下降了27%。官员称,旨在改善用水效率的返利活动、工具和教育项目都是导致这一变化的因素。“These are low-tech solutions, ” Razak concedes. They are not like the brand-new and pricey reverse-osmosis desalination plant now under construction. The new Carlsbad Desalination Project, the work of the private developer Poseidon Water, is expected to open this fall. It will supply roughly 50 million gallons of water per day, which is about 10 percent of what the region uses each year, Razak says.瑞扎克承认,“这些解决方案的科技含量较低。”这些办法并非那种全新的、昂贵的高科技解决方案,例如目前正在建设的反渗透海水淡化工厂。瑞扎克还说,由私营开发商波塞冬水务公司(Poseidon Water)新建的卡尔斯巴德海水淡化项目(Carlsbad Desalination Project)有望于今秋投入使用。该工厂每日供水量约为5,000万加仑,大约是该地区年用水量的10%。Desalination is something of a controversial topic. Though it is an established technology that has long provided drinkable water to many parts of the world, most notably the Middle East, it is also frequently criticized for its high energy demands.海水淡化是一个具有争议性的话题。虽然这是一种成熟的技术,而且长时间以来被用于为世界很多地区提供饮用水,尤其是中东地区,但它经常因高能耗而受到诟病。‘San Diego’s most expensive source’“圣地亚哥最昂贵的水源”“We’ve been desalinating water for over 100 years, ” says Peter Gleick, president of the Pacific Institute, a nonprofit that works with Fortune 500 companies on water solutions. “We know how to desalinate, but that’s not the long-term answer because it’s still extraordinarily expensive.”非营利性组织太平洋研究所(Pacific Institute)所长皮特#8226;格莱克表示,“我们从事海水淡化业务已经100多年了。我们对海水淡化技术了如指掌,但这并非长久之计,因为这一技术仍然非常昂贵。”该组织致力于与财富500强(Fortune 500)企业合作开发水务解决方案。Reverse osmosis technology has helped improve desalination’s energy footprint compared with past alternatives, Gleick says. Even so, the new Carlsbad plant “will be San Diego’s most expensive source of water, ” he says.格莱克说,与之前的技术相比,反渗透技术已帮助改善了海水淡化的能源足迹。即便如此,新建造的卡尔斯巴德工厂将“成为圣地亚哥最昂贵的水源。”In Gleick’s view, the “more mundane” technologies that help people use water more efficiently, from efficient toilets to irrigation equipment, are far more important. “Drip irrigation is not a new technology, toilets are not new, but there are new versions that let us save a tremendous amount of water cost-effectively, ” he says. “They may not be sexy, but they’re frankly the smartest things we could be doing.”在格莱克看来,那些“更世俗”的技术能帮助人们提升用水效率,包括节水马桶和灌溉设备在内的这些技术远比反渗透技术更为重要。“滴灌并不是什么新技术,节水马桶也不是,但是也有新的版本能够让我们以低廉的成本节约大量水资源。这些技术并不怎么吸引眼球,但它们实际上却是当前我们能够采取的最明智的办法。” /201408/322116

In court papers, Mr. Malkin vehemently denied involvement in organized crime, calling the allegations by the Canadian authorities unsupported and noting that he had been free to travel to other countries. Mr. Malkin sued the Canadian authorities, and in June 2009 a judge ruled that the case should be reviewed because Mr. Malkin had not been given a chance to respond to the allegations.法庭文件显示,马尔金极力否认参与了有组织犯罪,称加拿大当局的说法没有依据,并指出自己前往其他国家时皆畅通无阻。马尔金起诉了加拿大当局,2009年6月,一名法官裁定应对该案进行重审,因为马尔金早前没有回应相关指控的机会。Mr. Malkin was allowed to visit Canada in 2012, his lawyer, Gregory Sidlofsky of Toronto, said in an email, adding, “Canadian authorities never had nor provided any evidence of any wrongdoing by Mr. Malkin.” In the Angola debt case, he said, Swiss investigators ultimately found no wrongdoing. Mr. Sidlofsky said the .8 million was a dividend reflecting his client’s share of the intermediary company. As for the long-running renovation of the Time Warner condo, he said, “Mr. Malkin does not own the apartment, nor has he had any recent involvement in the renovation.”马尔金在多伦多的律师格雷戈里·希德洛夫斯基(Gregory Sidlofsky)在电子邮件中说,马尔金于2012年获许进入加拿大,并表示,“加拿大当局从未掌握或提供任何据,表明马尔金有任何不端行为。”他说,在安哥拉债务一事中,瑞士调查结构最终也并未发现马尔金有不端行为。他说,那4880万美元是其当事人在该公司所持股份带来的分红。至于时代华纳中心那套共管公寓长时间翻修一事,他表示,“马尔金不是那处公寓的所有人,近期也未参与任何翻修。”The American Bar Association suggests that government officials like Mr. Malkin warrant enhanced scrutiny in real estate deals, but its guidelines are voluntary. Marc Isaacs, the New York lawyer who handled the condo purchase, said his firm’s client vetting goes beyond an online search, but he would not elaborate. Asked about Mr. Malkin, Mr. Isaacs said he could not discuss specific clients.美国律师协会(American Bar Association)表示,在房地产交易中,肯定应该对马尔金这样的政府官员给予更密切的关注,但该机构的指导方针是自愿执行的。经手那宗共管公寓交易的纽约律师马克·伊萨克斯(Marc Isaacs)表示,他所在的律所对客户的审核不只是在线搜索而已,但他不愿详细解释。在被问及马尔金时,伊萨克斯表示自己不能讨论某个具体客户。The real estate agents on the Time Warner deal included Brenda S. Powers and Elizabeth L. Sample, who represent many foreign clients and who live in the building. Ms. Sample said that her focus when vetting buyers was this: “They have to have the money. Other than that, that’s it. That’s all we need.”负责时代华纳中心那笔交易的房产经纪是布伦达·S·鲍尔斯(Brenda S. Powers)和伊丽莎白·L·桑普尔(Elizabeth L. Sample),她们就住在楼里,代理了许多外国客户。桑普尔表示,在审核买家时她关注的重点是:“他们必须要有买房的钱。其他的就算了。我们只需要知道这一点。”A Blind Eye不闻不问Federal banking guidelines are clear: “Banks should take all reasonable steps to ensure that they do not knowingly or unwittingly assist in hiding or moving the proceeds of corruption.” This means screening customers to determine whether they are “politically exposed people” — foreign officials and their relatives and associates — and filing a “suspicious activity report” if the customers transfer unusually large amounts of money.联邦业指导原则说得很明白:“应采取一切合理措施,确保不会在有意或无意中,协助隐藏或转移外国高级政治人物及其亲友通过腐败获得的收入”。也就是说,应对客户进行审查,查明他们是否是“政治敏感人物”——外国官员及其亲友——并在客户转移巨额资金时,提交“可疑活动报告”。But such checks are not required on money flowing into the country through shell companies to purchase high-end real estate.但通过空壳公司流入美国并购买高端房地产的资金,并未被要求接受这类审查。L.L.C.s and other entities can be established in various states without revealing their true owners. Even when such companies move money through a bank account, banks are not required to know who is behind the transaction because of a loophole in the law.在很多州,有限公司和其他企业实体成立时都可以不透露其实际所有人。因为法律漏洞,即便在这类公司通过账户转移资金时,也未被要求知晓相关交易的背后都有什么人。In many ways, the government has allowed the real estate industry to turn a blind eye to the source of money used to buy luxury properties.在很多方面,政府允许房地产行业对购买豪华房地产的资金的来源不闻不问。It might not have turned out this way. In the late 1990s, after congressional hearings highlighted corrupt foreign officials with money in the ed States, the Justice Department sought to expand the list of industries required to screen the financial activities of politically exposed people. That included jewelry sales, hedge funds and real estate.这种局面本来可以避免。上世纪90年代末,在多次国会听会让外国腐败官员将钱转移至美国的问题突显出来后,司法部(Justice Department)寻求扩充行业名单,要求被列入名单的行业审查政治敏感人物的财务活动。该名单本应包括珠宝商、对冲基金和房地产商。The proposal gained momentum after Sept. 11, when the Justice Department pushed to make it part of the Patriot Act. The rules were included in the law and handed to the Treasury Department to put into effect.9·11事件后,这项提案赢得了更多的持。司法部推动其成为《爱国者法案》(Patriot Act)的一部分。相关规定被写进了法律,并被转交给财政部执行。The real estate and legal professions sprang into action, arguing that background checks were impractical and would hurt the economy. “The money-laundering risks presented by real estate closings are relatively small, compared to other types of financial assets,” the American Land Title Association said in comments on the proposed rules.房地产和法律行业迅速行动起来,声称背景审查不切实际,且会损害经济。“和其他类型的金融资产相比,房地产交易带来的洗钱风险相对较小,”美国土地产权协会(American Land Title Association)在对监管规则提案的意见书中说。Businesses insisted that tainted money was not likely to flow into real estate. “Anonymity and liquidity, two characteristics important to money launderers, typically do not exist in real estate transactions,” the Dechert law firm wrote.相关企业则坚称,不法资金不太可能流入房地产市场。“对洗钱者十分重要的匿名和流动性这两个特征,在房地产交易中往往不存在,”德杰律师事务所(Dechert)写道。The industry’s assertions ignored the increasing use of shell companies and how often wealthy foreigners sought out high-end real estate as a safe deposit box.该行业的论断忽略了空壳公司的使用越来越普遍,以及富有的外国人常寻找高端房地产,将其作为安全的存款箱。At the Time Warner Center, for instance, at least a dozen purchases would have received greater scrutiny under the expanded rules.比如,在时代华纳中心,若按照扩充后的规定,至少有12笔交易本应受到更严格的审查。But the Treasury Department never imposed the requirement on real estate or some other industries. Similarly, a proposal to extend the concept of the “know your customer” banking rule to the identities of people behind L.L.C.s and other shell companies that open bank accounts has been stalled for nearly three years in the Treasury Department.但财政部从未对房地产或其他行业实行这一要求。同样地,另一项提议也已在财政部搁置了近三年。该提议要求将有限公司及其他开设账户的空壳公司背后的人的身份,纳入业“了解客户”规定的范围。Banking associations say it would impose undue costs on them because there are no reliable federal or state databases with shell company owners.业协会表示,这么做会给它们带来高昂的成本,因为没有可靠的联邦或州一级空壳公司所有人数据库。In fact, registering shell companies has become profitable for states like Delaware and Nevada, which also have lobbied against transparency.实际上,对游说反对透明的特拉华和内华达等州来说,注册空壳公司已变得有利可图。“I don’t see some kind of global effort to stop all this because the money’s too good,” said David M. Crane, a Syracuse University law professor who oversaw the ed Nations’ effort to recover money from Charles Taylor, the former Liberian president who was convicted of war crimes and thought to have plundered his country.“我没看到有某种全球范围的努力来阻止这一切的迹象,因为收益实在太大了,”雪城大学(Syracuse University)法学教授戴维·M·克兰(David M. Crane)说。他曾经负责监督联合国从利比里亚前总统查尔斯·泰勒(Charles Taylor)那里追回资金的工作。泰勒被裁定犯有战争罪,还被外界认为对利比里亚进行了大肆掠夺。A number of states do not require people forming companies to reveal the names of the owners or show any identification.美国很多州并不要求开办公司的人透露所有者的姓名,或出示任何身份件。This opacity presents challenges for law enforcement officials, who say billions of dollars in suspicious money move through shell companies each year. “It can be very, very difficult to penetrate who is the beneficial owner of these shell companies,” said Leslie R. Caldwell, chief of the Justice Department’s criminal division.这种不透明性对执法人员提出了挑战。美国司法部透露,每年通过本土空壳公司转移的可疑资金数以亿计。“非常、非常难以摸查到究竟谁是这些空壳公司的权益拥有人,”司法部刑事领域负责人莱斯莉·R·考德威尔(Leslie R. Caldwell)说。She said that the department’s Kleptocracy Initiative has found that foreign officials often use shell companies or immediate family members to move large amounts of money to ed States real estate.她还表示,该部门的“反高层盗用国有资源项目”(Kleptocracy Initiative)经常发现,外国官员往往通过空壳公司或直系亲属,将大量资金投入美国的房地产行业。In 2010, a Senate committee investigating corrupt money moving into the country drew attention to a shell company used by the sister of the president of Gabon to buy a million residence in Manhattan, and to an L.L.C. used by the son of the president of Equatorial Guinea to purchase a million home in Malibu, Calif.2010年,参议院一个负责调查流入美国的贪腐款项的委员会披露,加蓬总统的姊利用一家空壳公司在曼哈顿购买了一处价值200万美元的居所,而赤道几内亚总统的儿子利用一家有限责任公司在加利福尼亚州马里布购买了一处价值3000万美元的房产。The proliferation of shell companies incorporated in the ed States has hurt Washington’s attempt to get other countries to crack down on Americans who move money offshore to avoid taxes.美国政府试图让其他国家打击那些为了避税而把钱转移到海外的美国人。然而,在美国注册的空壳公司泛滥,削弱了华盛顿的这种努力。“We are in a totally inconsistent position,” said Carl Levin, a Michigan Democrat who pushed for transparency in shell companies when he served in the Senate. “We’re way behind in terms of keeping up with what the international standard is, and it weakens our argument when we go to try to crack down the use of these offshore tax havens.”“我们秉持的立场完全不统一,”曾在参议院推动空壳公司透明化的密歇根州民主党人卡尔·莱文(Carl Levin)说。“在紧跟国际标准上,我们远远落在后面。当我们试图打击美国人利用这些离岸避税天堂的活动时,这令我们的立场遭到削弱。”About a year ago, after the Group of 8 industrialized nations issued goals requiring identification of shell company owners, a British representative met with Justice Department officials to complain about the ed States’ failure to comply.大约一年前,工业化国家组成的八国集团发布了要求明确空壳公司所有者的目标。之后,一名英国代表特意与美国司法部官员会面,抱怨美国没有遵循这些要求。According to two people at the meeting, the British representative, Dominic Martin, delivered a stern message: The lax American laws were being used by other countries as an excuse for inaction.两名与会者表示,英国代表多米尼克·马丁(Dominic Martin)传达了一条严厉的讯息:美国宽松的法律正在被其他国家用作不采取行动的借口。Such a message resonates with Justice Department officials who have advocated tightening the rules.主张收紧规则的司法部官员也有同样的看法。“For a long time we’ve taken the view that you have to focus on the people that manage the gateway to the financial system, and those guys are not only the banks,” said Stefan Cassella, a Justice Department lawyer. “Bad guys who are trying to invest money in the financial system — they use lawyers, they use accountants, they use real estate, they use jewelers and private jets.”“很长一段时间以来,我们都以为,必须把侧重点放在管理金融系统门户的那些人身上,但这不仅仅包括,”曾在司法部政策办公室任律师的斯特凡·卡斯拉(Stefan Cassella)说。该部门当时在谋求让《爱国者法案》采纳涵盖面更广的金融规则。“坏人试图将资金投入到美国金融体系中——他们会聘请律师和会计师,会利用房地产、珠宝和私人飞机。”Transactions amid Investigations调查正进行,交易仍如常Just two months after the collapse of the Ponzi scheme run by Bernard L. Madoff in 2008, another Ponzi schemer was arrested: James Nicholson, whose Time Warner condominium was frozen. Mr. Nicholson’s .5 million unit would become the only one in the complex to be seized and sold off by law enforcement officials, even though other owners have been accused of wrongdoing. The difference is that Mr. Nicholson is an American citizen.2008年,伯纳德·L·麦道夫(Bernard L. Madoff)的庞氏骗局崩塌短短两个月后,另一个庞氏骗局的主脑詹姆斯·尼科尔森(James Nicholson)遭到了逮捕,其位于时代华纳中心第52层的公寓也被查封。尼科尔森的这套公寓价值850万美元。它成为了楼中唯一一所遭执法官员收缴和抛售的公寓,虽然也有其他业主被指控从事了不法行为。所不同的是,尼科尔森为美国公民。Foreigners who buy real estate in the ed States often have an easier time keeping it out of the reach of investigators, victims and plaintiffs back home.在美国购置房产的外国人,往往更容易避开本国的调查机构、受害者和原告对这些房产的追讨。Take the case of Pablo Ardila, a former provincial governor in Colombia known for hunting trophies and lavish spending. Mr. Ardila acknowledged to The Times in 2004 that he and his parents had set up a shell company to buy a million condo in the building. In 2007, while he was in office, Mr. Ardila was arrested and immediately jailed by local officials on charges of enriching himself illicitly.巴勃罗·阿迪拉(Pablo Ardila)就是一个这样的例子。他曾是哥伦比亚的一名省长,出了名地喜欢战利品狩猎和奢侈消费。阿迪拉本人在2004年向时报承认,为了购买这栋大楼中一所售价400万美元的公寓,他和父母成立了一家空壳公司。2007年,当他还在任上时,哥伦比亚官员指控他中饱私囊,将其逮捕并随即监禁起来。While Mr. Ardila was behind bars, the shell company sold the condo, making a million profit. By then, the forwarding address on property records was no longer in Colombia, but went to a Jhon Ballesteros, in Weston, Fla. John Burger, a real estate agent who represented the seller, said recently that he did not know Mr. Ardila was involved.当阿迪拉身陷囹圄时,这家空壳公司出售了这所公寓,赚取了200万美元的利润。到了此时,房产记录里登记的转发地址已经不再位于哥伦比亚,而是指向了佛罗里达州韦斯顿的霍内·巴列斯特罗斯(Jhon Ballesteros)。代表卖家的房地产经纪人约翰·伯格(John Burger)在接受采访时说,他甚至都不知道阿迪拉牵涉其中。An extensive Colombian government analysis of Mr. Ardila’s holdings filed in court failed to unearth the Time Warner condo.哥伦比亚政府向法庭提交了一份报告,对阿迪拉持有的资产进行了详尽的分析,但未能挖掘出这套位于时代华纳中心的公寓。Despite international agreements, the authorities in smaller countries have difficulty recovering assets from abroad. “Judges in Colombia have been struggling a lot to get this money back to Colombia,” said Elisabeth Ungar Bleier, executive director of the Colombia branch of Transparency International, an anticorruption nonprofit.尽管存在国际合作协议,但小国政府却难以从境外追回资产。“哥伦比亚的法官非常努力地想把这笔钱追回,”伊丽莎白·温加尔·布莱尔(Elisabeth Ungar Bleier)说。她是倡导反腐的非营利组织透明国际(Transparency International)哥伦比亚分部的执行总监。Mr. Ardila was released from jail after two years and nine months without having been convicted. However, Arnulfo Mendez Castro, a spokesman for Colombian prosecutors, said Mr. Ardila was still under investigation.在看守所待了两年零九个月后,阿迪拉获得释放,并未定罪。然而,哥伦比亚检察部门发言人阿努尔福·门德斯·卡斯特罗(Arnulfo Mendez Castro)表示,阿迪拉仍在接受调查。Mr. Ardila’s lawyer, Mauricio Cristancho, said his client was the victim of “an absurd prosecution.” Despite what Mr. Ardila had told The Times about the condo, the lawyer said, the unit belonged to Mr. Ardila’s father, a wealthy businessman. He said Mr. Ballesteros, who did not reply to inquiries, was an assistant to the family.关于这所公寓,不管阿迪拉对时报的说法如何,他的律师毛里齐奥·克里斯坦乔(Mauricio Cristancho)表示,公寓属于阿迪拉的富商父亲。他说,阿迪拉是“一起荒谬诉讼”的受害人,而巴列斯特罗斯是阿迪拉家族的一名助理。巴列斯特罗斯未回应询问。 /201502/359213

Nelson Mandela, who rose from militant antiapartheid activist to become the unifying president of a democratic South Africa and a global symbol of racial reconciliation, died at his Johannesburg home following a lengthy stay at a Pretoria hospital, President Jacob Zuma said Thursday. He was 95.南非总统祖马(Jacob Zuma)周四宣布,纳尔逊?曼德拉(Nelson Mandela)在位于约翰内斯堡的家中去世,享年95岁。曼德拉曾是积极投身反种族隔离制度的活动人士,后来成为在实现了民主的南非使各方团结在一起的总统。同时他也是全球种族和解的一个象征。曼德拉去世前在比勒陀利亚的一家医院长期住院治疗。#39;He passed on peacefully,#39; Mr. Zuma said in a state television address. #39;This is a moment of our deepest sorrow. Our nation has lost its greatest son.#39;祖马在国有电视台发表讲话说,他平静地走了,此时此刻我们悲痛万分。我们的国家失去了它最伟大的儿子。Mr. Mandela spent nearly three months in the hospital through September, initially to treat a lung infection. It was the latest in a series of increasingly severe ailments South Africa#39;s first black president had battled since contracting tuberculosis during his nearly three decades in prison for opposing the former white-minority regime.在截至9月份的近三个月中,曼德拉一直在住院治疗,最初是因为肺部感染。这位南非首位黑人总统曾因反对少数白人执掌的前政府而入狱,在近30年的牢狱生涯中,曼德拉染上了肺结核,之后一直在与一系列不断加重的病痛作斗争。After he was discharged, South African officials had said that Mr. Mandela remained in #39;critical but stable#39; condition. But some members of his family acknowledged his precarious state in recent days, even as an admiring nation and well-wishers across the globe started to come to terms with his mortality.曼德拉出院后,南非官员曾说,曼德拉仍处于“危急但稳定”的状态。但对其充满敬仰的全国人民和全球持者开始不得不接受他病危的事实,同时他的一些家人近日承认他的病情危重。Though Mr. Mandela had stepped down from the presidency in 1999, he remained a father figure for a country going through wrenching economic and political change. South Africa#39;s economy has struggled to grow at a modest 2%, well below government targets of 7%, and unemployment among young people is close to 80%. In recent years, protests in predominantly black townships have erupted over poor public services and a dearth of job opportunities. Many young black South Africans, born after the dawn of democracy in 1994, are channeling their frustration toward the current government, led by Mr. Mandela#39;s African National Congress.尽管曼德拉1999年卸任总统之职,但在经历了艰难的经济和政治变革的南非,他仍是一个国父般的人物。南非的经济增速只有2%,远远低于政府提出的7%的目标,年轻人失业率接近80%。近年来,在居民主要为黑人的城镇,围绕糟糕的公共务和就业机会的缺乏爆发了抗议活动。南非很多在1994年实现民主制后出生的黑人年轻人开始将失望的情绪发泄到现政府头上。现政府由曼德拉的非洲人国民大会党(African National Congress, 简称:非国大)领导。It was as a prisoner that Mr. Mandela first became a rallying point for opponents of apartheid. After he was sentenced to life in prison in 1964, he spent more than a quarter-century behind bars, much of it in a maximum-security prison on Robben Island, off the coast of Cape Town.曼德拉在狱中开始成为反种族隔离人士的号召力人物。1964年他被判终身监禁后,在狱中度过了逾四分之一个世纪的岁月,其中大部分时间被关押在开普敦附近罗本岛(Robben Island)上一个戒备森严的监狱里。By the time he was released from a different prison in 1990, the tables had been turned. South Africa had become a pariah nation and Mr. Mandela would lead his country#39;s re-embrace of a world that had spurned its racist government.到1990年他在另外一个监狱被释放时,局势已经扭转。南非已经成为一个不受欢迎的国家,曼德拉将领导他的国家迎来一个推翻了种族主义政府的世界。With South African President F.W. de Klerk, whom he had met secretly with other apartheid officials in prison, Mr. Mandela would pick apart the machinery of white political domination through painstaking negotiations. Those negotiations laid the groundwork for the election in 1994 of the country#39;s first black president-Mr. Mandela himself.由于德克勒克(F.W. de Klerk)当时担任南非总统,曼德拉愿通过艰苦谈判来废除这部白人统治政坛的机器。德克勒克与其他反种族隔离官员曾在狱中秘密会见过曼德拉。那些谈判为1994年南非诞生第一位黑人总统──曼德拉本人,奠定了基础。Mr. Mandela inherited a fractured nation. He led it back from the brink of civil war, forming a government of national unity that demolished apartheid and established a constitution that is one of the most liberal in the world in terms of human rights-outlawing, for example, discrimination based on sexual orientation.South Africa later became the first country on the continent to legalize gay marriage.曼德拉接手的是一个四分五裂的国家。他将这个国家从内战的边缘拉了回来,建立了一个全国统一政府,废除了种族隔离制度,制定了新宪法。从人权角度而言,这是世界上最自由的宪法之一,例如禁止以性取向歧视他人。南非后来成为非洲大陆第一个将同性恋婚姻合法化的国家。The Truth and Reconciliation Commission he championed hastened the end of racial conflict by granting amnesty in return for testimony, and became a model for ending seemingly intractable conflicts elsewhere. East Timor, Liberia and Peru were among the countries that would follow South Africa#39;s example.曼德拉持的真相与和解委员会(Truth and Reconciliation Commission)以特赦换真相的方式加速了南非种族冲突的终结,这也成了世界其它国家结束看似棘手冲突的模式。东帝汶、利比里亚和秘鲁都是愿效仿南非的国家之一。At the time, Mr. Mandela#39;s tall task was, as he put it, to find the #39;middle ground between white fears and black hopes.#39; But he also needed to reconcile disparate factions within his party, the African National Congress. Some influential ANC leaders wanted to take a tougher line against whites after triumphing at the ballot box, and some argued for a wealth tax to speed the redistribution of the country#39;s resources, according to Verne Harris, a historian at the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory, which houses the archives of the former president.那个时候,曼德拉的艰巨任务,用他自己的话来讲就是,要找到白色恐怖和黑色希望的中间地带。但同时他也需要调和非国大内部不同派系之间的矛盾。纳尔逊?曼德拉记忆中心(Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory)的历史学家哈里斯(Verne Harris)表示,当时一些有影响力的非国大领袖希望在选举获胜后对白人采取更为强硬的态度,另一些人则主张征收财产税以加速南非国民资源的再分配。该中心存放着这位前总统的档案资料。#39;There were many who argued the case for tough love-don#39;t make it easy for them,#39; says Mr. Harris. #39;Reconciliation was a beautiful fit for South Africa, but we forget that it wasn#39;t the only approach being discussed at the time.#39;哈里斯说,当时有很多人为“爱之深则应责之切”辩解,觉得不能便宜了他们。他说,和解的确是适合南非的良策,但我们忘了,这并不是当时探讨的唯一方法。During his six decades in the public arena, Mr. Mandela wasn#39;t above precipitous shifts in position. He initially put his faith in Gandhian nonviolence, but when strikes and protests began to seem futile, he founded a band of saboteurs. He believed in obedience to the party, but acted unilaterally at turning points in the struggle.He advocated nationalizing South Africa#39;s mines, but changed his mind when the stance threatened to deprive a struggling economy of much-needed capital.活跃在公众领域的60年时间里,曼德拉并不在乎其立场的急剧转变。他最开始相信甘地(Gandhian)的非暴力不合作运动,但当罢工和抗议看似徒劳之后,曼德拉组建了一破坏者小分队。他认为应该忠诚于非国大,但在斗争出现转折点时却采取了单方面行动。他主张将南非的矿山国有化,但当这个主张可能会使南非举步维艰的经济丧失亟需的资本时,他改变了态度。Even occasional critics would come to see Mr. Mandela as the political glue that held his party, and later the country, together.即使偶尔冒出来的一些曼德拉的批评者也开始把曼德拉看作是是凝聚非国大、甚至是后来凝聚整个南非的粘合剂。Apartheid-era President de Klerk, who would serve as Mr. Mandela#39;s deputy after the country#39;s first democratic vote, said his former adversary #39;could be brutal#39; in negotiations. But the pair, who shared the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize for the country#39;s democratic transition, were able to sell compromises to supporters who differed radically in outlook.Mr. de Klerk said in a 2012 speech that the six-foot-four-inch former boxer #39;had the stature and the strength to hold his fractious alliance together-even at the most difficult junctures.#39;南非种族隔离时代的总统、将在南非第一次民主选举后就任曼德拉政府副总统的德克勒克说,他以前的这个劲敌在谈判时可能会很无情。但他俩却能让将那些对前景看法截然不同的持者接受和解方案。1993年,德克勒克与曼德拉因促成南非的民主转型共享了诺贝尔和平奖。德克勒克在2012年的一次演讲中说,这位身高六英尺四英寸(约1.83米)的前拳击手有名望和力量将那些倔强的持者团结在一起,哪怕是处于最困难的关头。Rolihlahla Mandela-#39;Nelson#39; was added when he started school-was born July 18, 1918, to a chief of the Thembu tribe of the Xhosa people in South Africa. He grew up in a village of mud huts and grass rooftops, the floors made of earth smeared with cow dung, in the land known as the Transkei. Women farmed corn, or mealies, pumpkins and beans; men left their families to work on white-owned farms or mines. Blacks at the time had few rights in the new country, founded by white European immigrants known as Afrikaners.罗利赫拉赫拉?曼德拉(Rolihlahla Mandela)出生于1918年7月18日,“纳尔逊”是他上学后添加的南非科萨人腾布王朝的一酋长的名字。他在特兰斯凯(Transkei)的一个小村子里长大,村房用泥巴制成,茅草覆顶,屋里的地板是抹着牛粪的土地。女人在家种玉米、南瓜和豆子,男人远在外面为白人拥有的农场或矿山打工。那时南非是个由布尔人(白人欧洲移民)新建立起来的一个国家,黑人几乎没有权利可言。Mr. Mandela was the first in his family to attend school and eventually began working toward a law degree in Johannesburg, a bustling commercial hub. He hoped for a civil-service job in the Native Affairs Department in the government, about as high as a black man could aspire at the time.曼德拉是他的家庭中第一个有机会上学的人,并最终在南非繁华的商业中心约翰内斯堡开始攻读法学学位。他曾希望在南非的本地事务部(Native Affairs Department)谋得一个公务员的工作,这在当时差不多是一个黑人可能怀有的最大梦想。His struggle for civil rights involved #39;a steady accumulation of one thousand slights, one thousand indignities, one thousand unremembered moments, [that] produced in me an anger, a rebelliousness, a desire to fight the system that impoverished my people,#39; he wrote in his autobiography.曼德拉在自传中写道,争取民权的过程包含了一次次轻蔑、一次次侮辱和无数个已被遗忘瞬间的不断积累,正是这些令我愤怒、反抗并渴望打破这个使我的人民陷入贫困的制度。He joined the African National Congress and helped found its Youth League.In his early years as an activist, Mr. Mandela viewed with deep suspicion the white Communists who he feared would take over the black liberation movement. In one defeated motion, he sought to expel Communist members from the ANC. Another time, Mr. Mandela recounted in his autobiography, he stormed the stage of a Communist Party meeting, tearing up signs and grabbing the microphone. He would mellow in his later years, and would even come to view South Africa#39;s Communists as critical allies and laud a socialist path for development. But unlike many of his fellow ANC leaders, Mr. Mandela distanced himself ideologically from the country#39;s Marxists.他参加了非国大并帮助成立了非国大的青年团(Youth League)。在作为政治活动家的初期,曼德拉对白人共产党员抱有深深的怀疑,担心他们会接管黑人的解放运动。他曾试图将共产党员从非国大中驱逐出去,但这一动议最终受挫。据曼德拉在自传中描述,还有一次,他曾冲上一个共产党会议的讲台,撕毁标语并抢夺麦克风。后来曼德拉变得更加成熟,甚至将南非共产党视为重要盟友,并赞同社会主义发展道路。但与非国大的其他许多领导人不同,曼德拉与国内的马克思主义者在思想上一直保持着距离。#39;I believed that it was an undiluted African nationalism, not Marxism or multiracialism, that would liberate us,#39; he wrote. The ANC became the center of resistance to apartheid, the South African system of racial segregation, introduced after the National Party came to power in 1948. The system made racial distinctions into law, forbidding interracial relationships, mandating that the races live apart, and requiring that all South Africans be registered by race.曼德拉写道,我相信纯粹的非洲民族主义才能解放我们,而不是马克思主义或多种族制度。非国大逐渐成为了抵制种族隔离的核心力量。南非的种族隔离制度是在1948年南非国家党(National Party)执政后推出的。这一制度将种族歧视列入法律,禁止异族通婚,规定种族分居,并要求所有南非人进行种族登记。 /201312/267762Russia’s ruble may have strengthened sharply Wednesday, but it’s plunge in recent days has encouraged plenty of talk about the country’s catastrophe, with some even proclaiming that the new Russia is about to go the way of the old USSR.俄罗斯卢布虽然在上周三强劲反弹,但之前几天的暴跌,已经让坊间充满“俄罗斯大难临头”的言论;甚至有人预言,今天的俄罗斯将重蹈苏联的覆辙。Don’t believe it. Russia is not the ed States, and the effects of a rapidly declining currency over there are much less dramatic than they would be in the U.S.别信这些话。俄罗斯并非美国,货币迅速贬值对俄罗斯的影响,远不会像在美国那样严重。One important thing to remember is that the fall of the ruble has accompanied a precipitous decline in the per barrel price of oil. But the two are not as intimately connected as might be supposed. Yes, Russia has a resource-based economy that is hurt by oil weakness. However, oil is traded nearly everywhere in U.S. dollars, which are presently enjoying considerable strength.重点是,在卢布汇率下跌的同时,石油价格也在骤降。但两者之间的联系也许不像人们所想的那么紧密。的确,油价下跌对俄罗斯以自然资源为基础的经济产生了不利影响。然而,几乎所有的石油交易都是以美元进行的,而目前美元则相当坚挺。This means that Russian oil producers can sell their product in these strong dollars but pay their expenses in devalued rubles. Thus, they can make capital improvements, invest in new capacity, or do further explorations for less than it would have cost before the ruble’s value was halved against the dollar. The sector remains healthy, and able to continue contributing the lion’s share of governmental tax revenues.也就是说,俄罗斯石油生产企业在出售产品时,可以用强劲的美元进行结算,而生产费用则用贬值的卢布来付。由于卢布兑美元的比价已经下降了将近50%,石油企业可以改善自身的资本状况,或者用更低的成本进行新产能投资,或者继续进行勘探。俄罗斯石油行业依然很健康,并且能够继续为政府贡献大部分税收。Nor is ruble volatility going to affect the ability of most Russian companies to service their debt. Most of the dollar-denominated corporate debt that has to be rolled over in the coming months was borrowed by state companies, which have a steady stream of foreign currency revenues from oil and gas exports.卢布的震荡也不会影响大多数俄罗斯企业的偿债能力。未来几个月中,大多数需要展期的美元债务由俄罗斯国有企业持有,而石油和天然气出口为这些企业提供了稳定的外汇来源。Russian consumers will be hurt, of course, due to the higher costs of imported goods, as well as the squeeze inflation puts on their incomes. But, by the same token, exports become much more attractive to foreign buyers. A cheaper ruble boosts the profit outlook for all Russian companies involved in international trade. Additionally, when the present currency weakness is added to the ban on food imports from the European Union, the two could eventually lead to an import-substitution boom in Russia.当然,由于进口商品价格上升,以及通胀对收入的挤压,俄罗斯的消费者将蒙受损失。但出于同样的原因,俄罗斯出口产品将对外国买家更具吸引力。卢布贬值提升了所有参与国际贸易的俄罗斯公司的盈利前景。In any event, don’t expect any deprivations to inspire riots in the streets of Moscow. Russian President Vladimir Putin’s popularity has soared since the beginning of the Ukraine crisis. The people trust him. They’ll tighten their belts and there will be no widesp revolt against his policies.不管经济困境如何,都不太可能引发莫斯科的街头骚乱。乌克兰危机爆发以来,俄罗斯总统普京的持率不断飙升。俄罗斯人信任他。他们会勒紧裤带,而普京的政策则不会遭到广泛的反对。Further, the high price of oil during the commodity supercycle, coupled with a high real exchange rate, led to a serious decline in the Russia’s manufacturing and agricultural sectors over the past 15 years. This correlation—termed by economists “Dutch disease”—lowered the Russian manufacturing sector’s share of its economy to 8% from 21% in 2000.进一步来看,过去15年中,受处于大宗商品超级周期的高油价的影响,再加上卢布汇率处于高点,俄罗斯的制造业和农业均出现了严重滑坡。这种被经济学家称为“荷兰病”( 指一国经济中某一初级产品部门异常繁荣而导致其他部门的衰落的现象——译注)的状况,让制造业在俄罗斯经济中的比重从2000年的21%降到了现在的8%。The longer the ruble remains weak, however, the less Dutch disease will rule the day. A lower currency means investment in Russian manufacturing and agriculture will make good economic sense again. Both should be given a real fillip.话说回来,卢布保持低迷的时间越长,“荷兰病”的影响就会越小。卢布贬值意味着俄罗斯制造业和农业的投资将带来较好的经济效益,这两个领域都将反弹。Low oil prices are also good for Russia’s big customers, especially China, with which Putin has been forging ever-stronger ties. If, as expected, Russia and China agree to transactions in rubles and/or yuan, that will push them even closer together and further undermine the dollar’s worldwide hegemony. Putin always thinks decades ahead, and any short-term loss of energy revenues will be far offset by the long-term gains of his economic alliances.低油价还对俄罗斯的大客户们有利,特别是中国,而普京也一直在加强中俄之间的联系。如果两国以卢布或人民币进行贸易结算如预期那样达成协议,中俄就会走的更近,同时也将进一步削弱美元在全球的统治地位。普京一直着眼长远,他建立经济同盟所带来的长期收益将远远超过能源收入方面的短期损失。In the most recent development, the Russian central bank has reacted by raising interest rates to 17%. On the one hand, this is meant to curb inflation. On the other, it’s an direct response to the short selling speculators who’ve been attacking the ruble. They now have to pay additional premiums, so the risk/reward ratio has gone up. Speculators are going to be much warier going forward.俄罗斯央行的最新应对措施是把利率提高到17%。一方面,这样做是为了遏制通胀。另一方面,这直接反击了那些做空卢布的投机者。现在,这些投机者必须付更高的溢价,风险/回报比已经上升。今后,投机者会更加小心。The rise in interest rates mirrors how former U.S. Fed Chair Paul Volcker fought inflation in the U.S. in the early ‘80s. It worked for Volcker, as the U.S. stock market embarked on a historic bull run. The Russians —twhose market has been beaten down during the oil/currency crisis —hare expecting a similar result.俄罗斯提高利率的做法和20世纪80年代初时任美联储主席的保罗o沃尔克应对通胀的方法如出一辙。沃尔克的措施收效良好,并带来了美国股市前所未有的大牛市。在石油与货币危机重创俄罗斯股市的情况下,俄罗斯人期盼着同样的结果。Not that the Russian market is anywhere near as important to that country’s economy as the US’s is to its. Russians don’t play the market like Americans do. There is no Jim Kramerovsky’s Mad Money in Russia.不过,在俄罗斯经济中,股市的重要性远不及美国。俄罗斯人也不像美国人那样炒股。在俄罗斯可没有《Mad Money》那样的投资节目。Russia is not some Zimbabwe-to-be. It’s sitting on a surplus of foreign assets and very healthy foreign exchange reserves of around 5 billion. Moreover, it has a strong debt-to-GDP ratio of just 13% and a large (and steadily growing) stockpile of gold.俄罗斯不会成为津巴布韦。它的经常账户处于盈余状态,外汇储备保持在大约3750亿美元的健康水平。同时,俄罗斯的债务占GDP比率很低,只有13%;而黄金储备充足且保持稳定增长。And there is Russia’s energy relationship with the EU, particularly Germany. Putin showed his clout when he axed the South Stream pipeline and announced that he would run a pipeline through Turkey instead. The cancellation barely lasted long enough to speak it before the EU caved and offered Putin what he needed to get South Stream back on line. Germany is never going to let Turkey be a gatekeeper of European energy security. With winter arriving, the EU’s dependence on Russian oil and gas will take center stage, and the union will become a stabilizing influence on Russia once again.俄罗斯和欧盟在能源方面也有联系,特别是和德国。普京曾强硬的取消了与欧盟合作的南流(South Stream)天然气管道项目,并宣称将取道土耳其另建一条管道。话音未落,欧盟方面就做出让步满足了普京的要求,以确保这个项目重新上马。德国永远也不会让土耳其在欧洲能源安全方面发挥“守门员”的作用。随着冬季临近,欧盟对俄罗斯油气的依赖将成为主导因素,而欧盟将再次为稳定俄罗斯局势而施加影响。In short, while the current situation is not working in Russia’s favor, the country is far from down for the count. It will arrest the ruble’s slide and keep pumping oil. Its economy will contract but not crumble. The harsh reality is that American shale fields have much more to fear from plummeting oil prices than the Russians (or the Saudis), since their costs of production are much higher. Many US shale wells will become uneconomic if oil falls much further. And it they start shutting down, it’ll be disastrous for the American economy, since the growth of the shale industry has underpinned 100% of US economic growth for the past several years.简而言之,尽管当前情况不利,但俄罗斯远未倒下。它将止住卢布的下滑势头并继续开采石油。俄罗斯经济将萎缩,但不会崩盘。而严峻的现实是,面对油价直线下降,生产成本居高的美国页岩油气公司要担心的东西远远超过俄罗斯(或者沙特)。如果油价继续大幅度下跌,美国的许多页岩油井将难以为继。而如果这些油井开始停产,美国经济就会面临灾难,因为这几年美国经济的增长全靠页岩油气行业撑。Those waving their arms about the ruble might do better to look at countries facing real currency crises, like oil-dependent Venezuela and Nigeria, as well as Ukraine. That’s where the serious trouble is going to come.对卢布贬值大惊小怪的人也许更应该看看那些真正面临货币危机的国家,比如高度依赖石油的委内瑞拉和尼日利亚,还有乌克兰。这些才是将要出现大麻烦的地方。(财富中文网) /201412/350631

It#39;s not often that a lengthy economics book gets very much attention, but by now, many have heard of French economist Thomas Piketty#39;s Capital in the Twenty-First Century.The 685-page book has unexpectedly become a bestseller; Piketty analyzes hundreds of years of tax records throughout the world and arrives at a harsh reality: The rich are indeed getting richer.一部长篇经济学作品能赢得大量关注可不是件常见的事。不过现在,许多人都知道了法国经济学家托马斯o皮凯蒂的著作《21世纪资本论》(Capital in the Twenty-First Century)。这本685页的著作出人意料地成为了畅销书。皮凯蒂在书中分析了几百年来全球的税务记录,最终发现了一个残酷的现实:有钱人的确变得越来越有钱。A lot of attention has been paid to incomes, but as Piketty highlights, the divide is much wider when it comes to wealth. While he has broadened the debate about inequality, what#39;s often been missing from the discussion is what should we do about it?很多人关注收入差距问题,但正如皮凯蒂强调的,就财富而言,贫富鸿沟要宽得多。尽管他拓展了人们对于贫富差距的争论,但书中的讨论往往忽视了一点:我们应该如何解决这个问题?At least in the U.S., the prescriptions have overwhelmingly focused on raising incomes; hardly a day goes by when the media, a city mayor, or Washington lawmakers make the case for raising workers#39; minimum wage. While that might help equalize incomes, it does nothing to help Americans build wealth.至少在美国,人们普遍认为提高收入是出路。各路媒体几乎每天都有报道称,某市长或华盛顿的立法者正在努力提高工人的最低工资。然而,这或许能够让收入差距减小,却无助于帮助美国人积累财富。Piketty suggests levying a global wealth tax, but taxing the rich isn#39;t necessarily the answer. What could help average Americans, particularly low-income households, are policies that help them build wealth by helping people to save more. This is an approach recently articulated by my New America Foundation colleague, William Elliott. In his report, ;Harnessing Assets to Build an Economic Mobility System,; he argues that the richest Americans aly enjoy extensive government subsidies on their savings. This year, the top 20% of income earners will capture two-thirds of the 0 billion in subsidies for retirement, according to estimates by the Congressional Budget Office.皮凯蒂建议在全球征收财富税,不过向富人征税并不一定能够解决问题。能够帮助普通美国人、尤其是低收入家庭的,是那些能够协助人们增加储蓄从而积累财富的政策。这是近期由我在新美国基金会(New America Foundation)的同事威廉o埃利奥特提出的方法。他在他自己的报告《利用财产打造经济流动系统》中认为,最富有的美国人已经通过他们的储蓄享受了大量政府补贴。根据美国国会预算办公室(Congressional Budget Office)的估计,今年美国1,400亿美元的退休补贴中,有三分之二将由收入最多的那20%的人获得。Lower-income Americans don#39;t have this type of support. In fact, they#39;re explicitly discouraged from saving more if you look at rules over federal food and income assistance programs that can make families with less than ,000 in the bank ineligible to participate.收入较低的美国人则无法得到这种资助。实际上,如果去看看联邦食品和收入援助项目的规定,你就会发现,穷人实际上并不被鼓励存钱。存款不到1,000美元的家庭都没有资格参加这种项目。As a result, higher income families are rewarded for long-term planning and investment and low-income families are penalized for doing so. The point is that it takes money to make money, so how about making sure that everyone starts out with some?结果,收入更高的家庭从长期计划和投资中获得了好处,而低收入家庭这样做则有弊无利。问题的关键在于,钱生钱需要本钱,要如何保每个人都能有些钱来走上致富之路呢?There are multiple ways: Senator Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) has recently voiced his support for a universal savings accounts for children, modeled on the ASPIRE Act. ASPIRE would provide all children born in the U.S. with a 0 savings account that could be put toward the cost of college, buying a home, or retirement. Up to ,000 could be deposited into the account annually on a tax-free basis, and lower-income families would qualify for a federal match of up to 0 a year. Representative Joe Crowley (D-N.Y.) has supported a similar approach.解决方式有许多:俄勒冈州的参议院罗恩o怀登最近表示,持“立志法案”(ASPIRE Act,The America Saving for Personal Investment, Retirement, and Education Act)中提到的给全体儿童设立储蓄账户的提议。立志法案将为每位在美国出生的儿童提供500美元的储蓄账户,其中的资金可供上大学、买房或退休使用。人们每年可以向其中存入最多2,000美元而不用缴纳税款。低收入家庭也可以按照联邦标准,每年向其中最多存入500美元。纽约州的代表乔o克劳利也持类似的方式。There are certainly other measures that need to take place to make sure that an approach like that is successful, such as getting rid of asset limits that cast savings as a liability in the minds of low-income families, as well as helping families build a financial cushion in the form of flexible savings, as the Financial Security Credit would do.当然,还需要采用一些其他方法来保这种方式能够获得成功,比如取消资产限制,让低收入家庭将储蓄看作可靠的手段,同时帮助家庭以灵活的储蓄方式建立金融储备,比如新美国基金会推出的金融安全信用制度(Financial Security Credit)。As Piketty rightly observes, the continued consolidation of wealth is deeply problematic. This is true on a macro scale as well as in the day-to-day lives of families trying to make ends meet and get a few steps ahead. Replacing our flawed public policies that exacerbate this problem with a system that facilitates the creation of new wealth would go a long way toward allowing more Americans to share in such a powerful driver of economic success.皮凯蒂的观点很对,财富不断地滚雪球会带来深远的问题。无论是从宏观上看,还是从家庭精打细算过日子、努力往前奔,都是这样。取消我们那些加剧贫富差距、具有缺陷的公共政策,代之以能够促使新的财富生成的新体系,这将会让更多美国人分享到经济成功带来的巨大驱动力。 /201405/301279Income inequality is a hot topic in Washington. President Barack Obama is expected to highlight inequality and economic mobility in his State of the Union address Tuesday.在华盛顿,收入失衡是个热点话题。总统奥巴马(Barack Obama)预计将在周二的国情咨文(State of the Union)演讲中强调失衡现象以及经济流动性。One factor he likely won#39;t discuss: Income inequality has gotten worse in past decades in part because college-educated, high-earning men and women are more likely to marry each other, rather than get hitched to partners with divergent education or wage levels.他可能不会提及的一大要点是,过去数十年来收入越发失衡的原因之一在于,受过高等教育、薪资不菲的男女结为夫妇的可能性更高,教育背景、薪资水平差距很大的两人则不太可能走到一起。A research paper -- by University of Pennsylvania economist Jeremy Greenwood; Nezih Guner, a research professor at Markets, Organizations and Votes in Economics (MOVE), a research institute based in Barcelona; University of Konstanz economist Georgi Kocharkov; and University of Mannheim economist Cezar Santos -- tracks trends from 1960 to 2005.宾夕法尼亚州立大学(University of Pennsylvania)经济学家Jeremy Greenwood、巴塞罗那研究机构Markets, Organizations and Votes in Economics (MOVE)研究教授Nezih Guner、德国康斯坦茨大学(University of Konstanz)经济学家Georgi Kocharkov以及曼海姆大学(University of Mannheim)经济学家Cezar Santos联合进行了一项研究,追踪1960年至2005年间人们的择偶趋势。The paper, #39;Marry Your Like: Assortative Mating and Income Inequality, #39; finds that the rise of women in the workforce and a growing tendency to find a partner from a similar educational and professional background is exacerbating income trends.这篇名为;Marry Your Like: Assortative Mating and Income Inequality;(《人以群分:选择性择偶与收入失衡》)的研究报告指出,随着越来越多的女性加入劳动力大军,人们更倾向于选择一个教育、专业背景与己接近的配偶,这加剧了收入差距的悬殊。The upshot: The rich are getting richer. In 1960, a household in the top 10% earned about three-and-a-half times the mean U.S. income. In 2005, that had jumped to more than four times the mean.关键在于,有钱的人越来越有钱。1960年,最富有的10%家庭的收入大约是平均值的3.5倍;2005年,这一比例扩大至4倍多。For the bottom 10%, the situation has deteriorated. In 1960, such a household earned 16% of mean income. By 2005, that was down to 8%.而对于最贫困的那10%而言,情况变得更加糟糕。1960年,这类家庭的收入等于平均值的0.16倍;到了2005年,其收入与平均值之比降到了8%。#39;Incomes are more polarized in 2005, #39; the paper says. #39;The change in wages across individuals is the primary driver of this increase in income inequality.#39;研究报告指出,2005年收入更趋两极化,个人工资的变动是收入差距扩大的主要推手。The authors don#39;t offer a solution. They do note that if marriages followed the same patterns as in 1960 there would be a significant reduction in income inequality.研究者没有给出一种解决方案。但他们指出,如果人们的择偶模式回到1960年,那么收入差距将被极大缩窄。#39;So, if people matched in 2005 according to the standardized mating pattern observed in 1960, which showed less positive assortative matching, then income inequality would drop because income is more diversified across husband and wife, #39; the paper says.报告称,假若2005年的人们也像1960年那样根据某一标准化的择偶模式来结合、而不是今天这种“门当户对”的精挑细选型婚配,那么收入失衡现象将减轻,因为夫妻俩的收入将更加多元。 /201402/275686The world’s biggest mining company urged world leaders on Thursday to seek a deal setting an international price on carbon, warning that unilateral action could lead to the imposition of trade barriers in the future.周四,全球最大的采矿企业必和必拓(BHP Billiton)敦促世界各国领导人努力达成设立国际碳价的协议。该公司警告说,单边行动未来将导致贸易壁垒。The call was made by BHP Billiton as Australia came under fire for restricting talks on climate change at a G20 leaders’ summit in Brisbane this weekend, which will aim to boost global growth amid fears over the health of the eurozone economy.就在必和必拓发出这一呼吁之际,澳大利亚正因限制20国集团(G20)峰会讨论气候变化问题而受到批评。本次峰会将于周末在布里斯班召开,会议想要解决的问题将是:如何在欧元区经济状况引发担忧的背景下提振全球经济增长。Andrew Mackenzie, BHP chief executive, said a deal between China and the US limiting greenhouse gas emissions offered a glimmer of hope for the type of global climate deal that could avoid “messy and imprecise” unilateral action.必和必拓首席执行官安德鲁#8226;麦肯齐(Andrew Mackenzie)表示,中美之间达成的限制温室气体排放的协议,为达成全球性的气候协议带来了一线曙光,这类全球性的协议能避免“混乱而含糊”的单边行动。Mr Mackenzie is chairing the trade panel of the B20, a group representing global business that makes recommendations to G20 leaders.麦肯齐目前担任20国集团工商峰会(B20)贸易工作组组长。B20是一个代表全球工商界的团体,会向G20领导人提供一些建议。He made his comments as Australia, the world’s second biggest coal exporter, came under pressure for resisting calls by the US and other countries to place climate change on the formal agenda of the G20 summit this weekend in Brisbane. Fresh from agreeing a deal with China to cut emissions, US officials have said they believe a discussion on climate change should be held at the meeting as it is an “economic issue”.就在麦肯齐发表上述言论之际,作为全球第二大煤炭出口国,澳大利亚正因抵制美国等国的呼吁、不肯将气候变化问题纳入本周末布里斯班G20峰会正式议程而面临舆论压力。刚刚与中国达成减排协议的美国官方已表示,他们认为本次峰会上应该开展气候变化方面的磋商,因为这是一个“经济问题”。Tony Abbott, Australia’s prime minister, welcomed the emissions deal between the US and China but stressed that the G20 was a forum for economic discussion and said there were plenty of other venues at which to discuss climate change.澳大利亚总理托尼#8226;阿特(Tony Abbott)对中美间达成减排协议表示欢迎,但他强调G20是一个展开经济磋商的论坛,并表示有大量其他场合可供讨论气候变化问题。 /201411/342281

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