旅游  |  攻略  |  美食  |  自驾  |  团购
您的位置: 青海省旅游网 / 规划 / 新闻动态 / 青海要闻

吉安打瘦脸针好医助手

来源:康新闻    发布时间:2018年10月23日 19:49:01    编辑:admin         

A huge car bomb detonated on a residential street in Beirut at Friday rush hour, killing at least eight people including the nation#39;s intelligence chief.星期五交通高峰期,一枚巨大的汽车炸弹在贝鲁特一处居民区爆炸,炸死至少八人,包括黎巴嫩的情报主管。Scores were wounded in the heavy damage of the largely Christian district, many of whose residents support opponents of President Bashar al-Assad in neighboring Syria.爆炸在以基督徒为主要居民的地区造成巨大破坏。很多居民反对邻国叙利亚巴希尔#8226;阿萨德总统领导的政权。Pan-Arab and Lebanese media reported that Wissam al-Hassan, who was in charge of a top intelligence unit, was killed and likely targeted. He led an investigation into a recent bomb plot that resulted in the arrest of a pro-Syrian Lebanese politician. He also led the probe that implicated Syria and the Hezbollah faction in the killing of former prime minister Rafik Hariri.泛阿拉伯和黎巴嫩媒体报道说,黎巴嫩一个最高情报单位的主管维萨姆#8226;哈桑被炸死,他很可能是袭击目标。他生前领导对最近一起炸弹袭击阴谋的调查,按照调查结果,一名亲叙利亚的政治人物被捕。他还领导了针对前总理哈里里遇炸身亡案的调查,调查指认叙利亚和真主党派系参预了刺杀。No one took immediate responsibility for the blast and Syria condemned the bombing.目前还没有人出面承认为爆炸负责,叙利亚方面谴责了炸弹袭击事件。The blast was set off in the Sassine Square area of Beirut’s Achrafiyeh neighborhood, close to a branch of the Syrian-owned Bank BEMO and a small office of Lebanon’s Christian Phalange party, a vocal opponent of the Assad regime in Syria.爆炸发生在贝鲁特阿克耶赫区的萨赛恩广场,附近有叙利亚拥有的BEMO的一家分行以及黎巴嫩基督教长党的一个小办事处。长党公开反对叙利亚阿萨德政权。;We saw a bright flash through the window and a loud noise,” said a young woman who works at Pharmacie Achrafiyeh, which is on the same street as the explosion. ;I thought it was an earthquake. We didn’t think this was possible here.;“我们看到一道亮光穿过窗户,紧接着一声巨响,”一位在阿克耶赫药店工作的年轻女士说。“我原以为是地震。我们想不到这种事情会在这里发生。”这家药店和爆炸发生地在同一条街上。Two blocks from the blast site is the former Beirut headquarters of the Phalange Party, which now mostly serves as a 24-hour vigil to the one-time commander of the Christian Lebanese Forces militia, Beshir Gemayel, who was assassinated there by a bomb planted by Syrian loyalists in 1982, during the Lebanese Civil War.爆炸地点两个街区之外是长党的前总部所在地。这里现在基本上是基督教黎巴嫩力量民兵组织前指挥官巴希尔#8226;杰马耶勒的24小时不息的纪念地。1982年,在黎巴嫩内战期间,持叙利亚的派系在这里放置了一枚炸弹,将杰马耶勒袭杀。In an apartment about 15 meters from the blast site, a middle-aged woman sat distraught on a debris covered floor.在离爆炸地点大约15米远的一处公寓,一位中年妇女神情沮丧地坐在布满废墟的地面上。;I am just lucky I wasn#39;t home,; she said.她说:“算我幸运,我当时不在家。”Couches and beds were overturned, and wooden shutters from two balconies were blown inside the apartment. Neighbors from nearby flats wandered the apartment building#39;s darkened hallways in a daze. A thick layer of dust and debris covered the stairs.公寓内,长沙发和床都被掀翻了,两处阳台的木帘被炸断,飞进室内。附近单元的居民在公寓楼被炸黑的过道内木呆呆地游荡。厚厚的尘土和废墟覆盖着楼梯。Broken glass from car windows was strewn about on streets nearly 500 meters from the blast site.被炸碎的汽车玻璃飞落到爆炸地点近500米远的街道。But several blocks away, next to the upscale A Mall, street cafes were doing brisk business as people gathered to drink coffee and smoke as they would on any other evening.但是几个街区外,在高档的购物中心A Mall旁边,街头咖啡馆的生意照旧兴隆,人们喝着咖啡抽着烟,跟往常的任何夜晚没有任何不同。A 24-year-old man, who would only give his name as Paul, said he heard a second explosion shortly after the car exploded, but guessed ;it was probably a gas canister.;一位24的男士只愿意说自己是“保罗”。他说,在汽车爆炸后,他听到了第二次爆炸,不过他猜想,“那可能是气罐”。Standing on the street where the blast happened, he said that the block was mostly inhabited by elderly people. Several elderly men and women were seen being removed from nearby apartment buildings on stretchers and taken to ambulances.他站在发生了爆炸的街上说,这处街区的居民主要都是老人。人们看到有几位老年男女被人用担架抬出附近的公寓楼,送上了救护车。Several feet from the blast, a construction site for one of Beirut#39;s new luxury residential towers was converted into a makeshift Red Cross field hospital. A young female Red Cross worker at the scene could only say, ;We just need people to donate blood.;离爆炸现场几尺之隔,是一处黎巴嫩新的豪华居民楼的建筑工地,这处工地已经变成红十字会的临时战地医院。现场一名年轻的女红十字工作人员只是说:“我们需要人捐血。”Friday#39;s blast comes amid fears of spillover from the civil war in neighboring Syria. Several outbursts of violence have taken the lives of dozens of Lebanese this year, and attacks by Syrian army forces on Lebanese border towns are almost a daily occurrence.星期五爆炸发生之际,人们正担心邻国叙利亚的内战会蔓延到黎巴嫩。今年发生的几次暴力事件已经夺去了好几十名黎巴嫩人的生命。而叙利亚军队对黎巴嫩边境城镇的袭击几乎是每天都发生的事情。Anti-Syrian politicians, including Mustapha Allouche of the opposition March 14th Coalition, accused Syria of orchestrating the bombing.反叙利亚的政治人物,比如反对党3月14日联盟的穆斯塔法#8226;阿卢什指责叙利亚策划了这次炸弹袭击。Dory Chamoun, who heads Lebanon#39;s National Liberal Party and whose home is located in Achrafiyeh, called the explosion a “political message.” He said that the conflict in Syria was causing collateral damage in Lebanon and would stop only when the Syrian crisis ends.黎巴嫩自由国民党领导人杜里#8226;夏蒙的家就在阿克耶赫区。他称爆炸是一个“政治信号”。他说,叙利亚冲突在黎巴嫩造成附带损失,只有叙利亚的危机结束,这一切才会终止。“There is no doubt that the longer the situation lasts in Syria, the more we#39;re going to have some spillovers into Lebanon, but we just hope that things will go faster and normalize faster in Syria and things will be better for everyone concerned,” Chamoun said.“毫无疑问,叙利亚的局势持续得越久,我们就会看到冲突越来越多地蔓延到黎巴嫩,但是我希望叙利亚的进展会快一些,早一些恢复正常,那样每个相关的人都会过得更好一些。”夏蒙说。The attack Thursday also brought back memories of high-profile political assassinations in Lebanon, such as that of former Prime Minister Hariri, who was killed by a truck bomb attack on his convoy in Beirut in 2005.袭击还让人回忆起黎巴嫩以前发生的重大政治刺杀事件,包括前总理哈里里2005年遇刺身亡事件。他的车队在贝鲁特街头遭到卡车炸弹的袭击。His son, former Prime Minister Saad Hariri, condemned the Friday bombing.他的儿子、前总理萨阿德.哈里里谴责了星期五的炸弹袭击事件。“The cowardly terrorist attack which targeted Achrafiyeh today is an attack against all of Lebanon and all the Lebanese people,; he said. ;It is a cowardly act against the country’s stability and security.”“今天针对阿克耶赫的恐怖主义懦夫袭击是针对黎巴嫩全国和所有黎巴嫩人民的袭击,”他说。“这是针对国家稳定与安全的懦夫行为。”Some people at the scene feared that the days of attacks like that were back.在场的一些人担心,这样的袭击事件今后还会发生。;We never got out of the bad times,; Paul said. ;But it was just a matter of time.;“我们永远也摆脱不了乱世,”保罗说。“这只是时间早晚而已。” /201210/205194。

A Japanese firm that marketed a smartphone application to girlfriends and wives who wanted to keep an eye on their philandering partners has had to tone down the service after complaints that it was effectively spying on people.  据英国《每日电讯报》10月17日报道,一家日本公司销售了一款智能手机应用软件,可以让女友和太太们密切关注她们的另一半,这款软件可以对人进行有效监控,但最近在遭到许多投诉后这家公司不得不改善了这项务。   Tokyo-based Manuscript released on Sunday a new version of the "Kare Log" – meaning "boyfriend log" – after the original application attracted hundreds of complaints from people who discovered it had been surreptitiously installed on their phones, while software security firm McAfee identified the app as a "Potentially Unwanted Programme".  总部位于东京的Manuscript公司上周日发布了新版的“Kare Log”手机应用——即“男友追踪器”——之前的版本收到了数以百计的投诉,因为人们发现当她们把这款应用悄悄装入手机时,防毒安全软件迈克菲会认定它为“潜在的不必要程序”。  Japan's communications ministry has even waded into the debate on privacy, saying in a statement that "The consent of a tracked individual is very important. There were problems with the way that Kare Log was advertised."  日本通讯部门甚至就隐私问题展开了激烈的讨论,在一份报告中声言“追踪个体的行动是否得到同意非常重要。‘Kare Log’的宣传方式是有问题的。”  First launched on August 30, the application could be installed into a smartphone and a computer could then be used to monitor the whereabouts of the device – and, presumably, the owner, through its GPS data.  这款应用软件于8月30日首次推出,可以安装在智能手机上,通过电脑远程监控该设备的所在地——由此根据GPS数据来推测手机主人的下落。  The basic charge was Y525 (£4.31) a month, which provided the location of the phone and the amount of energy left in the phone's battery. For the £15.83 "platinum plan," however, the member would be able to access the list of all the calls that had been made from the phone, the dates, times and durations, as well as other applications that had been installed.  这一应用的基本费用是每月525日元(约合4.31英镑),可以提供手机的位置以及电池的剩余电量。如果选择每月付费15.83英镑的“铂金计划”,用户将可查询所有呼出电话的日期、时间和通话时长,还能查询该手机已经安装的其他应用软件。  Critically, the application did not show an icon on the screen when it was being utilised, meaning that the owner of the smartphone might not even realise that it had been installed.  关键在于,这款应用在使用时不会在屏幕上显示出图标,这意味着智能手机的持有者甚至可能永远不会发现它已经被安装在手机里了。  The initial version of the service was downloaded more than 24,000 times in 10 weeks, Yoshinori Miura, president of Manuscript, told. The new version has aly been snapped up 500 times in less than 24 hours, he said.  这一手机应用的第一版在十个星期内被下载超过24000次,Manuscript公司的总裁三浦义德告诉记者,新版在不到24小时内也已经被抢订500次。  "We had around 60 complaints by email but I cannot count how many phone calls we took from people who were unhappy that it had been installed on their phones," Miura admitted, adding that it had also been criticised in online forums.  “我们收到了大约60封投诉的电子邮件,接到的抱怨电话不计其数,人们对自己的手机中被安装了这种应用感到非常不满”,三浦承认,这一应用在网上也遭到了批评。  "The first version was mainly targeted at women who wanted to know where there husband was," said Miura. "But the new version requires a password to access the information and we see it as a way in which couples can share information with each other."  “我们收到了大约60封投诉的电子邮件,接到的抱怨电话不计其数,人们对自己的手机中被安装了这种应用感到非常不满”,三浦承认,这一应用在网上也遭到了批评。  The new service is described as a "location service for lovers," the company said.  该公司宣称,新版务被称为“情侣定位务”。 /201110/157874。

Why are the high-income countries not mired in deflation? This is the puzzle today, not the absence of the hyperinflation that hysterics have wrongly expected. It is weird that inflation has remained so stable, despite huge shortfalls in output, relative to pre-crisis trends, and prolonged high unemployment. Understanding why this is the case is important because the answer determines the correct policy action. Fortunately, the news is good. The stability of inflation seems to be a reward for the credibility of inflation targeting. That gives policy makers room to risk expansionary policies. Ironically, the success of inflation targeting has revitalised Keynesian macroeconomic stabilisation. A chapter in the latest World Economic Outlook from the International Monetary Fund presents the case for this encouraging conclusion, as has aly been noted by, among others, Gavyn Davies and Paul Krugman. Its starting point is with the stickiness of inflation, despite the lengthy period of very high joblessness. Thus, states the IMF, “we find a dog that did not bark”. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is structural. It is argued by many, for example, that the workers who lost their jobs in construction and other bubble-era activities have the wrong skills or are located in the wrong places to take up the new jobs that might now – or soon – be on offer. Again, if unemployment is allowed to remain high for long, what starts as temporary joblessness is likely to become permanent, as workers lose the skills and networks that make it relatively easy to find jobs. So the duration of the Great Recession has put long-term joblessness near record levels. All this tends to make competition in labour markets weak. An alternative explanation is more encouraging. It is that inflation targeting has anchored expectations and so labour market behaviour. Moreover, these targets are close to zero. We know that workers are resistant to cuts in nominal wages. This has remained true throughout the Great Recession: it is indeed one of the reasons why the adjustment in the eurozone is so painful. So, for this reason too, inflation would be sticky, at least downwards. The chapter’s preliminary analysis of these alternatives reaches three main conclusions. The first is that “expectations are strongly anchored to the central banks’ inflation targets rather than being particularly affected by current inflation levels”. Second, the anchoring of expected inflation has increased over time, while the impact of current inflation on expected inflation has diminished. Finally, the relationship between inflation and current unemployment has correspondingly diminished. It became nearly non-existent after 1995, which saw a long period of stable inflation in line with the inflation targets of central banks. The detailed econometric work supports this preliminary analysis, but adds two further points. The most important is that there is substantial cyclical unemployment, at present. A less important one is that the impact of global inflation on inflation in individual countries has not shown any clear trend. An analysis of the US reveals the import of these changes: if the relationship between the cycle and inflation were now as it was in the 1970s, the US price level would aly be falling. Fortunately, that has not been the case: otherwise, real rates of interest would now be strongly positive and balance-sheet deflation far more threatening to US stability than it has been. Encouragingly, experience during the period of economic boom, before the financial crisis, suggests the stickiness of inflation does not only work in one direction. Inflation remained in line with targets then, too. This was notably true in Spain and the UK. (See charts.) A final interesting conclusion emerges from the contrast between the performance of the US and Germany in the 1970s, which was when the Bundesbank cemented its reputation. It did not achieve this success because it never made mistakes, but because people believed it would do what was necessary to hit the target. Inflation targeting could indeed be flexible, provided it remained credible. This is important analytical work with big implications for policy. First, mistakes in estimating the degree of economic slack, which are inevitable, may not matter that much, provided people remain sure that the central banks are committed to their targets. This is one of the big benefits of a flat “Phillips curve” (the relationship between cyclical unemployment and inflation). Second, given the uncertainty about the degree of slack and the failure of inflation to respond to huge recessions, it is imperative that central banks not limit their aims to hitting their inflation targets. On the contrary, their job in a deep recession and, in some countries, alas, a worsening one, is to aim for the highest levels of activity consistent with stable inflation. Past success gives them not only the opportunity, but the obligation, to risk expansion of demand in contractionary times. Those running the European Central Bank, please note: low inflation is not enough. Third, while central banks should retain inflation targets at the core of their objectives, experience has also demonstrated that this is not enough. The idea that it is easier to clean up after a financial mess than limit a credit bubble has proved wrong. The only question is how to act. It is clearly important to build a more resilient financial system, through higher capital standards and aggressive macroprudential policies. None of this is going to be easy. A chapter in the companion Global Financial Stability Report brings out, for example, the potential drawbacks of the unconventional policies that central banks were driven to use once interest rates became close to zero. While changing inflation targets would be extremely risky, what has happened suggests that somewhat higher inflation might have been helpful. Experience certainly indicates that monetary policy is not all that effective, on its own, during a balance-sheet recession. It must be complemented by fast reconstruction of the financial system, accelerated private sector deleveraging and a willingness to employ the fiscal balance sheet to support demand, wherever feasible. Yet, for all the complacency of the pre-crisis period, it is good to know that its one clear success – that of cementing inflation expectations – has given policy makers needed policy flexibility. They must use it. 为什么高收入国家没有陷入通货紧缩的泥潭?这才是今天的待解之谜,而不是为什么恶性通货膨胀没有出现——一些歇斯底里的人曾错误地预测会出现恶性通胀。奇怪的是,尽管相对于危机之前的趋势水平,经济产出已大幅下降,失业率也长期居高不下,通胀却一直保持稳定。理解为什么会出现这种情况非常重要,因为决定了能否采取正确的政策行动。幸运的是,我们有好消息。稳定的通胀似乎是对通胀目标可信度的一种嘉奖。于是政策制定者就有了采取扩张性政策的冒险空间。具有讽刺意味的是,通胀目标的成功赋予了凯恩斯主义宏观经济稳定政策新的活力。 国际货币基金组织(IMF)最新发布的《世界经济展望》(World Economic Outlook)的一个章节就分析了这个鼓舞人心的结论,加文#8226;戴维斯(Gavyn Davies)和保罗#8226;克鲁格曼(Paul Krugman)也都指出过这点。其出发点就是,尽管高失业率长期持续,但通胀具有粘性。因此,IMF指出,“我们找到了一条不叫的。” 这个现象可以从结构的角度来解释。比如说,很多人都认为,建筑行业或者其他泡沫行业的失业工人,由于缺乏合适的技能或者身在错误的地方,而无法从事现在或者不远的将来可能出现的新工作。同样,如果放任失业率长期居高不下,最初的临时失业则可能会转变为永久失业,原因是工人会失去技能和关系网,使得找工作相对较难。因此,“大衰退”(Great Recession)的持续已经使得长期失业逼近破纪录的水平。所有这些都可能会使劳动力市场的竞争弱化。 另外一个解释更鼓舞人心:通胀目标使人们的预期固定下来,也稳定了劳动力市场的表现。此外,这些通胀目标都接近于零。我们知道,工人们反感名义工资的降低,整个“大衰退”期间都是如此:这也是欧元区调整如此痛苦的原因之一。因此,也正是因为这个原因,通胀将具有粘性,至少是向下的粘性。 该章节初步分析了这些可能的解释之后,得出了三个主要结论。第一,“央行的通胀目标对预期有很强的锚定作用,而当前的通胀水平对预期没有特别大的影响。”第二,通胀目标对通胀预期的锚定作用随着时间的推移越来越大,而当前通胀率对通胀预期的影响逐渐减小。最后,通胀率和当前失业率之间的联系也相应减小。1995年之后,这种联系基本上已经不存在,而同时,通胀与央行通胀目标之间长期保持稳定的一致。 更为细致的计量经济学研究工作持这一初步的分析,但补充了两点。较为重要的一点是,当前存在明显的周期性失业。次要的一点是,全球通胀对各国通胀的影响还没有任何明显的趋势。 对美国的分析揭示了这些变化的重要性:如果现在的周期和通胀之间的关系与上世纪70年代类似,那么美国的物价应该已经下降。幸运的是,事实并不是这样:否则的话,实际利率就会远高于零,资产负债表收缩对美国稳定性的威胁也会远大于现在。令人鼓舞的是,金融危机之前的经济繁荣期间的经验表明,通胀的粘性不仅是朝着一个方向。那个时候通胀率与通胀目标也是一致的。这点在西班牙和英国表现尤为明显。(见图表。) 最后一个有趣的结论是通过对上世纪70年代美国和德国的对比得出的,正是在那个时候德国央行(Bundesbank)确立了声望。它不是因为从不犯错而获得这种成功,而是因为人们相信它会采取必要措施来实现目标。只要保持可信度,通胀目标就可以是灵活变动的。 这是重要的分析工作,对政策有着重要意义。 首先,评估经济放缓程度时即使犯错(这是不可避免的),可能也没那么要紧,只要人们依然确信央行致力于实现制定的目标。这是平坦的菲利普斯曲线(Phillips curve,描述周期性失业和通胀之间的关系)的较大优势之一。 第二,鉴于经济放缓程度的不确定性和通胀应对严重衰退的失败,央行必须不将目标局限于实现通胀目标。与此相反,当经济深陷衰退时,或者在某些国家,当经济衰退加剧时,它们有责任以实现与稳定的通胀水平相一致的最高经济活动水平为目标。过去的成功不仅赋予了它们这种机会,也赋予了它们一种职责,在收缩时期试着扩大需求。欧洲央行(ECB)的管理者们请注意:低通胀是不够的。 第三,尽管央行需要将维持通胀目标作为核心目标之一,经验也表明这是不够的。在金融动荡之后“收拾摊子”比抑制信贷泡沫要容易的观点,已被明是错误的。唯一的问题在于如何行动。通过更高的资本标准和进取性的宏观审慎政策,建立一个更强韧的金融体系,显然非常重要。 所有这些都不会很容易。比如,IMF同时发布的《全球金融稳定报告》(Global Financial Stability Report)中的一章,就指出了在利率接近于零的时候,央行倾向于使用的非传统政策的潜在缺陷。改变通胀目标确实非常危险,但事实表明较高的通胀或许是有益的。经验明,在资产负债表衰退期间,单单货币政策并不会产生多大效果,必须得到如下方面的补充:金融体系快速重组,私营领域加速去杠杆化,政府有意愿在任何可行的领域通过动用财政资产负债表手段来持需求。 另外,尽管危机前的繁荣导致了人们的自满,它却有一个明显的成功之处是我们需要知道的——它强化了人们的通胀预期,这给政策制定者提供了必要的政策灵活性。他们必须用好这种灵活性。。